(Photo: Miklukho-Maklay was one of the few people who treated the Papuans as his equals)
It is 1800s. Miklouho-Maclay wrote about a paradise lost.
He was a Russian humanist scholar and anthropologist. Although Miklouho-Maclay continued his scientific studies in New Guinea and Australia, the last ten years of his life was mainly devoted to defending the rights of indigenous peoples. In 1879 he wrote to the British and Russian governments demanding the recognition of the indigenous people to their land. The script would be the same today.
Paradise Lost - in the 21st Century?
Miklouho-Maclay became more and more concerned with protecting the people of Astrolabe Bay from the impending threat of British and European colonial expansion. In 1879 he wrote the first of several letters to the British and Russian governments demanding recognition of the rights of the Astrolabe Bay people to their land. He explained that "each piece of ground, each useful tree of the forest, the fish in each stream, etc., etc., has a proprietor".
Under his "Maclay Coast Scheme" of 1881, Miklouho-Maclay proposed the formation of a "native Great Council" and the establishment of plantations that the local inhabitants would work, with "reasonable remuneration". His position within this paternalistic scheme was to be as adviser and foreign representative. His plans never came to fruition.
In 1884 the German anthropologist Otto Finsch, posing as Miklouho-Maclay’s friend, settled at Astrolabe Bay and claimed the area for Germany. By the end of 1884 the eastern half of New Guinea had been divided between Germany and Britain.
(Photo: Russian Warship, Perekop, Port Moresby, 2018; the Russian Bear re - tracing history)
It is 2018, and rewind the time capsule.
Russia is back on our shores which may or may not provoke controversy and debate. After the end of the Cold War era, the clash of political ideologies seemed to be over in which the prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists. But, what contemporary liberal democracy stands for failed to come to pass, and flies in the face of world history. Due to the end of clash of political ideologies, viable alternatives to liberalism, and human history itself was seen as reaching an end - game.
The question of how to forge a rational global order that can accommodate humanity's restless desire for recognition without a return to chaos is not the issue. It is unsettling for the West and proponents of the liberal world order in the aftermath the Cold War era from the 1990's on wards that there is compelling and confronting evidence which shows the opposite, the re - surging, and therefore re - visit of the same human history with the return of the Russian Bear. In Melanesia, the indigenous people's claim to sovereignty and royalty status in the 21st Century would irk the Russian Bear.
West Papua and Kanaky are two nations in Melanesia whose dream of freedom has evaded them since the 1800s. This was a time in history in which colonialism was mapped out, paving the way forward for dreams to come true, or become a ghost, a catastrophe.
Yet, it was paradise lost for the two Melanesian and Pacific Islands nations. So, the war against terrorism is being re - invented with a spark of divinity, a' poke in the eyes of the US.' And, right on Australia's doorstep.
Nikolai Miklouho – Maclay saw it coming and was a supporter of indigenous people’s rights to self – determination in the 1800s, long before the UN saw the arguments to ratify international protocol for indigenous people’s issues in the 21st Century. According to him, there is a genesis to the West Papua issue. In his New Guinea Diaries( Kristen Press, 1975), he wrote:
‘I am perfectly convinced that acts of injustice from the white men, and disregard of their customs and family life, will lead to an irreconcilable hatred, and to an endless struggle for independence and justice.’
Miklouho-Maclay was on a mission then, and would do the same today to fight and save indigenous lives in New Guinea and Australia in the mid 1800s. Nicole Steinke(2013) wrote about the effort of Russian born humanist, naturalist and proto-anthropologist who fought for the rights of colonised peoples at a time when a volatile mix made his aim to secure indigenous people’s rights difficult during the 1870s and 1880s. This was a period in which there was a state of excitement over New Guinea in the Australian colonies; it was regarded as the last unknown and the next big thing.
Today, the Russian and Eastern European world – view still contrasts with the Western European one on the New Guinea settlement question with a Papuan nation divided. West Papua became a ‘Greek Tragedy’(Forbes Magazine, 2012). Indonesia invaded in the 1960s, and its illegal military occupation began, and a whole race faces obliteration today as we see a shift in indigenous population from majority demographic composition of the population in the former Dutch colony to a minority by 2000.
In independent Papua New Guinea, the story also gathers dust. It lays off the Australian radar, yet its closest neighbour, usually forgotten unless tourists are being attacked there or the government is looking for somewhere to process asylum seekers. West Papua means less. But this was not always the case.
In scientific circles throughout Europe, Miklouho-Maclay was well – known and became one of the most enigmatic figures in the South Pacific during the mid to late 19th century, and the legacy he left behind was full of disturbing contradictions. He became best known for his fierce support of indigenous peoples, for establishing a world class scientific research station on Sydney Harbour and for having dissected his Polynesian servant, Boy, after he died of disease, because he wanted the brain of a dark skinned person.
In the 1800s, the people of New South Wales and Queensland in particular were eager to lay claim to New Guinea, hoping to strike it rich with gold, timber and pearl shell taking the cue from public meetings with travellers and missionaries recently returned from New Guinea who drew crowds in the hundreds. They lobbied the British government to colonise the island before the Germans, Dutch or Russians could get their hands on it. Nobody was asking the people of New Guinea what they thought.
Miklouho-Maclay read the signs correctly in the 1800s. For instance, the West Papua issue is now internationalized, and has gone back or about to go back through MSG intervention to the drawing board of the UN for resolution. It is the UN’s colossal blunder in the 1960s that has come back to haunt humanity, as the world finds out about the fraud.
(Photo: Russian Warship, Perekop, Simpson Harbour 200 years after Miklouho-Maclay lived among Papuans)
Andrew Johnson(2016) writes that the UN – supervised plebiscite called Act of Free Choice in 1969 that sold off West Papua to Indonesia had been stage – managed by the West. For instance, following the refusal by black African nations led by Ghana to recognise the result of the vote, the General Assembly made amendments to the UN resolution on West Papua in which 30 nations wanted to make to the text for General Assembly resolution 2504; it calls for a referendum to be held by 1975. Unfortunately the motion failed, 30 in support, 42 against, and 42 abstained. In the wake of the controversy, the UN ‘noted’ that some type of consultation with the international community took place to decide the fate of West Papua.
Russia was one of those countries who voted for a referendum for West Papua to be properly conducted by 1975. Let us take up the discussion on the Russian position on West Papua.
Russian Position on Papuan Destiny - and West Papua.
It begins with Nikolai Miklouho – Maclay, who saw it coming and was a supporter of indigenous people’s rights to self – determination even far back in the 1800s. He was a hero then, and remains a hero in Russia today. Leo Tolstoy, with whom he exchanged letters, wrote: ‘You are the first to prove by experiment that man is man everywhere, a sociable being with whom one should communicate with kindness and truth—and not with guns and vodka. You have proved this with a feat of true courage.’
Tolstoy went on to write: ‘For the sake of all that is sacred, describe in the minutest detail and with the strict truthfulness so typical of you, all your man-to-man relations with people there.’
Miklouho-Maclay moved to Sydney in July 1878, after living for three years among people regarded as cannibals and head hunters on the north-eastern coast of New Guinea. Until his arrival with two servants, the local people had not encountered a European. Those local people became his friends, as well as the subjects of his research. He was determined to protect them from the worst excesses of white colonisation.
He travelled extensively in the South Pacific and South-East Asia between 1871 and 1886 using the Maclay Coast in New Guinea as the base for his fieldwork and Sydney as a second home. By this time most of the South Pacific had either been colonised or had forcibly resisted colonisation. The pressure was on New Guinea from all sides.
In Sydney the white population did not take much notice of the enigmatic Russian, whose stories did not register much because he was seen as a foreign aristocrat who had lived in wild places and his imagined land of riches to the north was just an exotic tale. The Eurocentric world – view was not dented, and even one of his greatest supporters, Sir William John Macleay, politician, gentleman-naturalist and a member of the family that established the Macleay Museum which is now part of Sydney University, wrote in March 1879, ‘Baron Maclay has been soliciting subscriptions today for a Zoological Station at Watsons Bay—a very foolish scheme.’
He did make a point. His view was that the biogeography of the Pacific region is not to be taken for granted. Although cash was a problem, in the end he successfully acquired the backing of the Linnean Society and the NSW government to establish the world’s second marine biological research station, locating it on the shores of Sydney Harbour. The European world – view was dominant, but did not distract Miklouho-Maclay from his passionate struggle for New Guinea's indigenous people, and his vision that they enjoy independence rather than colonization—or failing that, a benevolent form of protectorate that would not remove the local people's autonomy.
And, he lobbied in the local papers, writing letters. An excerpt from a letter he wrote to the Sydney Morning Herald was to the point:
‘During my stay among the natives... I had ample time to make acquaintance with their character, their customs, and institutions. Speaking their language sufficiently, I thought it my duty as their friend (and also as a friend of justice and humanity) to warn the natives... about the arrival, sooner or later, of the white men, who, very possibly, would not respect their rights to their soil, their homes, and their family bonds.'
He went on, ‘should annexation of the south-eastern half of New Guinea be decided by the British Government, I trust it will not mean taking wholesale possession of the land and its inhabitants without knowledge or wish of the natives, and utterly regardless of the fact that they are human beings and not a mob of cattle.'
‘I am perfectly convinced that acts of injustice from the white men, and disregard of their customs and family life, will lead to an irreconcilable hatred, and to an endless struggle for independence and justice.’
(Photo: Miklouho-Maclay monument, Vanimo: He wrote a letter to German Chancellor Bismarck calling on him to protect the Pacific islanders from “white exploitation”.
Miklouho-Maclay was disturbing the momentum, and contradictions, of white civilization in the region. He knew that the colonial powers had no time for him, and they distrusted him as a foreigner on the streets of Sydney with his proposal when he approached a number of colonial powers in attempting to broker a deal for the New Guinea people. He failed. New Guinea was colonised by the Dutch, the Germans and the British, and the colonies in Australia formed a federation that became Australia today. Indigenous people’s rights did not matter, and Miklouho-Maclay soon vanished from history.
In Russia, however, he became a national icon - although not during his lifetime but in the Soviet era when he became a symbol scientific discovery and humanitarian ethos, a giant. His legend grew after he died while on a rare trip to Russia with his wife Margaret and their two children. He was aged just 41 and had not yet written the major book he had planned, based on his researches in New Guinea.
Tolstoy wrote to him before he died, ‘I don’t know what kind of contribution your collections and discoveries have made to the science that you serve, but the experience you have gained in communication with savages, forms a whole epoch in the science that I serve, the science of how people should live with one another. Write your story and you will do mankind a good turn.’
Miklouho-Maclay kept journals throughout all his voyages in the South Pacific including the original field journals written in numerous languages. Most of his papers went missing, or were destroyed by his wife after his death in St Petersburg in 1888. In Russia, Miklouho-Maclay's story was later used for propaganda purposes during Stalinist times. He was acclaimed as a man who saw beyond racial difference to the fundamental equality of all people and was used as a symbol of how the Soviet Union dealt with indigenous people in a more humane way than Western powers. Stalinist-style revised versions of his New Guinea diaries were published as evidence of this. Words such as ‘primitive’ were replaced with the word ‘indigenous’.
In post-Soviet times his lustre has dimmed with the younger generation, as Soviet icons are toppled, but Miklouho-Maclay’s scientific reputation lived on. In 1884, he married his wife Margaret Emma Clark, widowed daughter of Sir John Robertson at her father's home, Clovelly, Watsons Bay, and on a trip back to Russia, they were married by rites of the Russian Orthodox Church in early 1886. He planned to return to Sydney but his health deteriorated and he died in his wife’s arms on 2 April 1888. Margaret returned to Sydney, and worked on publishing his New Guinea Diaries. She died in Sydney on 1 January 1936 survived by their two sons. The publication finally appeared in English in 1975, published by a PNG publisher, Kristen Press.
Australia Mandate from the League of Nations - Rule of German New Guinea, 1945
(Image: the colonies that became Australia and Papua New Guinea,1885)
In 1920 Australia received a mandate from the League of Nations to rule German New Guinea and in 1945 Papua and New Guinea were combined in an administrative union. Papua New Guinea was ruled by Australia until its independence in 1975. Tens of thousands of Australians worked in the eastern half of New Guinea over those years. Now, Papua New Guinea is the only evidence of the UN dream of the birth of a Papuan nation that stretched from Sorong to Samarai. It is the last unknown of the world, and like Nikolai, is largely forgotten by Australians.
Yet, he made a strong statement on the fate of New Guinea then, as if he saw neo – liberal capitalism pushed by the West in the region today which was a sign post already in the 1800s. In 1879 he wrote the first of several letters to the British and Russian governments demanding recognition of the rights of the Astrolabe Bay people to their land.
He explained that "each piece of ground, each useful tree of the forest, the fish in each stream, etc., etc., has a proprietor". Papuans who are indigenous to New Guinea from Sorong to Samarai have no other world – view. Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay spoke of the Russian world – view on the fate of indigenous people and approached Tsar Alexander III to organize a free Russian colony in New Guinea. It did not happen. Today, MSG options on West Papua through international arbitration may or may not yield, that the theatre of global geopolitics has pushed the Global South into a corner. One might argue that MSG options on West Papua must be located in the context of similar Western meddling which began in 1800s to foment unrest and destabilize BRICS nations in an effort to ensure the continuation of Western economic and political control over the Global South.
According to this argument MSG could connect with Russia because the global geopolitics paradigm has shifted, and its member states could enjoy comparative advantage of multipolar diplomacy with BRICS as opposed to APEC and TPP. Or, exploit existential pluralism to cash in on the superpower rivalry.
However, one should not miss the forest for the trees. There are powerful forces aligning behind Indonesia and other Western proxy political forces in order to destabilize MSG as a partner of the BRICS project.
The MSG will be the target of a multi-faceted, asymmetric campaign of destabilization through soft coup in which economic, political, and psychological forms of warfare -- each of which has been specifically designed to inflict maximum damage on any move by the Global South to escape from US hegemony. For example, in Brazil the fancy anti-corruption rhetoric is really an assault on President Dilma Rousseff’s leftist government, and is the result of a coordinated campaign by business interests tied to Washington and Wall Street.
In other words, the fancy anti-corruption rhetoric was a cover – up for the assault as the result of a coordinated campaign by business interests tied to Washington and Wall Street, and neoliberal capitalism, as it broadens its engagement with the non-Western world as well as use multi-faceted strategies to contain, isolate, and destabilize Russia and China. In Brazil, the government of Dilma Rousseff is facing a major destabilization campaign orchestrated by powerful right-wing elements in the country and their U.S. backers. MSG could orchestrate a move in anticipation for a similar storm that is orchestrated to stop the West Papua agenda from reaching the UN General Assembly.
Today, Papuanism and therefore Melanesian identity is on the precipice, and West Papua burns in the vortex of a global armed conflict. We remember Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay, and the sins of Western civilization as we forgive. He was one of the earliest followers of Charles Darwin, and a humanist scholar who, on the basis of his comparative anatomical research, was one of the first anthropologists to refute the prevailing view that the different 'races' of mankind belonged to different species.By the end of 1884 the eastern half of New Guinea had been divided between Germany and Britain. It is now the independent state of Papua New Guinea. Australia continues to look the other way. The 250 indigenous Papuan tribes in West Papua face obliteration as a race under Indonesian colonial rule since its invasion of the former Dutch colony in the 1960s.
Let West Papua Vote!
When all things are said and done, Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay was a Soviet cultural hero whose influence flowed into 20th century after the Russian revolution. During Stalinist times (long after his death) he was adopted by the state bureaucracy and raised up as a hero for political purposes, therefore a national hero who sprang from Russia’s past. It was a time then to reinterpret him during the course of Russia’s history. He has been a part of Russia’s rich culture that graced our shores in Melanesia, and the Pacific region in the late 1870s.
In our region, it is time now to reinterpret him as a Russian who fought to save indigenous lives. The national liberation struggle in West Papua is an endless struggle for independence and justice by Papuans, and justice was denied for a long time. His advice, in the 1800s, and today is simple.
Miklouho-Maclay - like New Guinea – is almost completely forgotten. It must be the disturbing contradictions that white civilization in the region just wants to leave behind, a moral universe that is contaminated, beginning early. Today, West Papua and Kanaky are still waiting to claim their inalienable right to sovereignty and royalty, and on the precipice. The former is burning in the vortex of a global armed conflict. We remember Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay, and the sins of Western civilization as we forgive. In the 1800s, the Russian Bear was here. After 200 years, and Vladimir Putin took over as Russian leader, Eastern Christianity has come knocking on Christian country, Papua New Guinea.
Ask the people of New Guinea what they think. Let West Papua vote!
(Photo: 7000 tonne Russian warship, Perekop, is loaded with 200 cadets, and armed with anti - submarine rockets and anti - aircraft guns; ' a poke in the eyes of the US', it was docked in Port Moresby from Wednesday 16th to Saturday 19th May 2018)






Excellent article!
ReplyDeleteNice article. By the way whereabout is the Miklouho-Maclay monument located in Vanimo for a visitor interested to visit?
ReplyDeleteThe monument is located on a hill called Top Tower by local residents, overlooking the town. There is East Tower and West Tower. Miklouho-Maclay's monument is erected at West Tower. The Guest House there, Visser Guest House had it erected in its yard probably for tourists.
DeleteNice article. By the way whereabout is the Miklouho-Maclay monument located in Vanimo for a visitor interested to visit?
ReplyDeleteThis comment has been removed by the author.
ReplyDeleteYour writing is all over the place and repetitive in some areas - it was a pain to read and comprehend at times.
ReplyDeleteI agree with most of what you've written, especially about Miklouho-Maclay being an outstanding guy and whom should be recognised as the cultural icon he is in our region.
That aside, from my understanding, you support MSG’s involvement with BRICS, but you forget that the Soviet Union supported and backed Indonesia's claim of West Papua during Sukano’s rule.
Russia has been an Indonesian ally since it was recognised as an independent state in the 1940s and armed them then and still to do to this day. In fact, I believe that the Russian influence in the Indo Asia Pacific region is at its height today.
The Russians are here for two reasons, one being, strategic positioning if there was ever a war and the other being for the resources through trade or other means.
Though, let me ask you this, if there was an all-out war and this region becomes a battlefront, do you think Indonesia would just sit by and not move in on PNG and who do you think Russia would support?
Let us go by evidence - based logic: (1)Miklouho-Maclay was disturbing the momentum, and contradictions, of white civilization in the region; (2)He knew that the colonial powers had no time for him, and they distrusted him as a foreigner on the streets of Sydney with his proposal when he approached a number of colonial powers in attempting to broker a deal for the New Guinea people; (3)He failed; (3) New Guinea was colonised by the Dutch, the Germans and the British, and the colonies in Australia formed a federation that became Australia today; (4) According to the colonial masters, indigenous people’s rights did not matter, and Miklouho-Maclay soon vanished from history; and, (5)
DeleteThe Russian Bear re - appeared. If there is to be any discussion or analysis it would be only hypothetical at best, and incorrect at worse. The latter would mean uncovering the contradictions including where Indonesia is coming from with its claim of sovereignty over the former Dutch colony by shooting into the void because Papuans own the island of New Guinea, and they live on both sides of the imaginary line that Miklouho-Maclay vigorously objected to when he made his presentation to British and German government authorities at the time.
Russia will support the indigenous people of Indonesia and if so there would be 16 different ethnic groups inside the unitary Republic of Indonesia. This does not include West Papua because Miklouho-Maclay defined them as Papuans. They are also Melanesians. And, the Russian Bear will ask: What is Indonesia doing in Melanesia?
It was the Dutch that argued that West Papuans were ethnically different to Indonesians and therefore should have their own nation, Russia on the other hand have armed and backed Indonesia since the 40s.
ReplyDeleteSo you cannot possibly believe that Russia would support a free West Papua and interrupt the status quo when they've supported them for decades and would not want to make enemies of an regional superpower that gives them a geopolitical foothold within the region.
Yes, Miklouho-Maclay was visionary who objected the colonisation of Indigenous Papuans, but you cannot use Miklouho-Maclay interchangeably with Russia or possibly think that his ideologies have been adopted by the Russian government and to a larger extent Russia as a whole when it's filled with racist nationalist.
The Russian Bear re - appeared. If there is to be any discussion or analysis it would be only hypothetical at best, and incorrect at worse. Let us go by the evidence available now that demands a verdict.https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/research/researchcentres/ierg/westpapua/papua_assessment_report_final_uk_pdf.pdf
DeleteThe reference to Russia in the document you've linked was about the country's strong opposition against the independence of the small nation of Kosovo because it sets a legal precedent that will allow regions all over the world, regions like West Papua, to declare their sovereignty and for that status to be recognised.
DeleteI'm not saying that West Papua cannot or will not ever become independent, but rather that Russia is not that pillar if hope and strength that you make it out to be.
What you've written can almost be considered propaganda...
Mr. Kaiyo, are you colluding with the Russians?
Let us go by the evidence available now that demands a verdict. And, besides the hypothetical position you keep bringing up we are better off keeping to what is already documented on the West Papua issue, and you will agree the academic discourses on West Papua are very well documented up till. The link you will be interested in is the same one, which seeks the consideration of the international community including Russia. It is already given to you. But, here it is again:https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/research/researchcentres/ierg/westpapua/papua_assessment_report_final_uk_pdf.pdf.
DeleteThere are more:(1) The West Papua conflict and its consequences for the Island of New Guinea: Root causes and the campaign for Papua, land of peace by Catherine Scott & Neles Tebay, The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, Pages 599-612, published online: 15 Aug 2006;(2)The Wild Terrorist Gang: The Semantics of Violence and Self-determination in West Papua by S. Eben Kirksey & J. A. D. Roemajauw, Oxford Development Studies, Pages 189-203 , published online: 19 Aug 2010
(3)“A thousand miles of cannibal lands”: imagining away genocide in the re-colonization of West Papua by Tracey Banivanua-Mar, Journal of Genocide Research , Pages 583-602 , published online: 06 Nov 2008
(3)West Papua and the Australia-Indonesia relationship: a case study in diplomatic difficulty by Rowan Day, Pages 670-691, published online: 05 Aug 2015
(4)West Papua, Indonesia and the Melanesian Spearhead Group: competing logics in regional and international politics by Stephanie Lawson, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Pages 506-524,published online: 08 Feb 2016
(5)Raising the Morning Star: Six months in the developing independence movement in West Papua by Theo Van den Broek & Alexandra Szalay, The Journal of Pacific History , Pages 77-92, published online: 04 Aug 2010
(6)The break-up of Indonesia? Nationalisms after decolonisation and the limits of the nation-state in post-cold war Southeast Asia by Edward Aspinall & Mark T Berger, Third World Quarterly , Pages 1003-1024, published online: 25 Aug 2010
(7)Corporate security practices and human rights in West Papua by Kylie McKenna, Journal of Conflict, Security & Development , Pages 359-385, published online: 25 Aug 2015
(8)Australian Indonesia-specialists and debates on West Papua: Implications for Australia-Indonesia relations by Freddy K. Kalidjernih, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Pages 72-93, published online: 21 May 2008
(8)Indonesia-Australia Relations in the Era of Democracy: The View from the Indonesian Side by Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, Australian Journal of Political Science, Pages 117-132, published online: 24 Feb 2010
(9)Fear of the Dark: Indonesia and the Australian National Imagination by Simon Philpott, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Pages 371-388, published online: 09 Jun 2010
(10)Raising the Morning Star: Six months in the developing independence movement in West Papua by Theo Van den Broek & Alexandra Szalay, The Journal of Pacific History, Pages 77-92, published online: 04 Aug 2010
(11)The colonisation, decolonisation and recolonisation of West New Guinea by Jan Pouwer, The Journal of Pacific History, Volume 34, 1999 - Issue 2: Historical Perspectives on West New Guinea, Pages 157-179, published online: 04 Jun 2008
(12)The break-up of Indonesia? Nationalisms after decolonisation and the limits of the nation-state in post-cold war Southeast Asia by Edward Aspinall & Mark T Berger, Third World Quarterly, Pages 1003-1024, published online: 25 Aug 2010
The reference to the situation in Kosovo was not part of my conversation. Please read the recommendations from the University of Warwick Study on the situation in West Papua based on which the international community was put on notice to make a case for West Papua to the UN. This would hardly be propaganda. And, the Russians have passed the point of propaganda. The Russian Bear re - traced history.
The faceless commentary by a purported Indonesian nationalist seeking content to validate the conclusion(s) flowing from the premises on the table seems to be a futile attempt at influencing the international community to draw not its own conclusions, but conclusions from Indonesia's world - view. In the case of East Timor Indonesia's world - view was rejected by the UN General Assembly when its definition of the right to claim sovereignty over the former Portuguese colony did not convince the international community to legitimate that world - view. West Papua falls within the same ambit. By using the over - used 'security approach' to contain its restive Papua province in the face of the rising tide of international opinion against Indonesia's claim to sovereignty over the former Dutch colony, Indonesia is killing itself in the 21st Century which differs from the 1960s when it was just used as a bulwark to stop communism by the US. The difference is that there is no longer any ideological divide, and the world is going mad with ideas of the rule of law, human rights, and democracy. Albert Einstein's thesis on failure is: 'You cannot keep doing the same thing over, and over, and over again, and expect different results'. So, it is taken for granted that the Indonesian script is incorrect based on the evidence available that Indonesia is confronted with a stormy past, unstable present, and an uncertain future being an 'unfinished nation' or 'Bangsa Yang Tidak Selasai'( Max lane, 2011). To begin with, it is the only country in the world that has failed, and continues to evade the inevitable, that the mistakes will pile up until it falls apart. The task remains. Indonesia has never reconciled with its past: (1) Jakarta GS30 Massacres with 1 million killed and no official explanation as to the issue of breach of human rights; (2) East Timor genocide by its military in which before and after the UN - sponsored plebiscite or referendum a third of the population was wiped out; (3) the West Papua situation with the 'security approach' used by the occupation industry and targeting of indigenous Papuans to be wiped off due to the government's policy of 'slow - motion' genocide apart from the estimated 1 million already killed by military since the 1960s; and, (4) the uprising in the other 16 ethnic areas, excluding West Papua, comprising the unitary Republic of Indonesia who are demanding their rights to be different sovereign nations including Aceh. This contradicts with the idea that Indonesia is a great country or Indonesia Rajah. And, the reason is simple, that the evidence shows the opposite which the international community is finding out about fast. The international community includes Russia. Let me therefore assist you to go over the information on West Papua already available to the world. The time - capsule is on West Papua's side, and on the side of the other 16 ethnic groupings within Indonesia seeking justice in the 21st Century due to the scramble for rule of law, human rights, and democracy. This is your reading list: (1) https://www.theguardian.com/world/west-papua (2)https://thediplomat.com/2017/10/indonesias-west-papua-headache-continues/ (3)https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/08/201182814172453998.html; and, (4) Read the University of Warwick Study Recommendations:https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/research/researchcentres/ierg/westpapua/papua_assessment_report_final_uk_pdf.pdf The other links to academic discourses on West Papua have already been given to you previously. Finally, the world knows what is happening in West Papua so we stick to the rules of rational debate, and ensure the conclusions reached flow from the premises through deduction. Thus, any verdict is inevitable. You do not have an identity as such, and I am sorry you cannot rise to the occasion to engage with anyone in the world over how badly Indonesia has handled the West Papua issue from the 1960s till today. It is a pity.
DeleteI cannot afford to purchase all those documents to read and linking them in a reply to my comment is by far one of the most pusillanimous moves I have witnessed this year, but I do not have to read them because we all know that there are a lot of academic reports about West Papua…
DeleteI never argued that the Indonesian Government did not violate the human rights of their indigenous people or that West Papua should not become independent.
You see, you wrote, “In Russia, Miklouho-Maclay's story was later used for propaganda purposes during Stalinist times. He was acclaimed as a man who saw beyond racial difference to the fundamental equality of all people and was used as a symbol of how the Soviet Union dealt with indigenous people in a more humane way than Western powers.”
Unless you do not understand English that well and/or did not write this and thus have no idea what what you're copying and pasting, it means that Russia celebrated Miklouho-Maclay and his work because that helped to facilitate relations with other countries especially ones with peoples of the melanin persuasion.
You are basically spreading that very same propaganda by titling your article “Papua New Guinea Lines Up with Putin and Russia - on the Right Side of History” and making out one man, Miklouho-Maclay, to be the epitome of all of Russia.
The University of Warwick Study does not help your case as it highlighted Russia’s stance on Kosovo and in doing so your argument that Russia will help free West Papua falls apart.
RUSSIA WILL NOT SUPPORT WEST PAPUAN SOVRIENGTY (or any other secessions) due to their close ties with Indonesia, their racist and xenophobic views along with their blatant refusal to support and recognise Kosovo as an independent state for well over a decade now because doing so would mean deteriorating relations with their ally, Serbia, and legitimising other claims of sovereignty.
I do not deny that the International community should step in, I am just saying that it will not happen because some of the biggest world powers, namely, China, Russia, Spain and of course Indonesia object the very concept of self-determination and could threaten world peace if the situation calls for it… nobody wants to see that happen.
Russia is not “re-tracing history”, their involvement in this region is only for, as I said before, “strategic positioning if there was ever a war and… and for the resources through trade or other means”.
In my opinion (which is a bit pessimistic), if West Papua were to ever become Independent, there needs to be atomic diplomacy… and that is, in and of itself a paradox that leaves no room for any other solution.
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DeleteGood try. Good try. But, you forgot your identity so have become a casualty of one or all of the fallacies of informal logic. No one believes you. You just revealed how weak your position is, And, I am sorry for you. Yes, countries die. Nations fade away. The ancient civilisation of Athens could be a yardstick to decipher what is really happening in Indonesia. Thucydides wrote that Themistocles' greatness lay in the fact that he realized Athens was not immortal. Indonesia is not immortal; but, if it is going to go, let it go with a bang rather than a whimper. In the intervening years since the era of ancient civilisation of Athens, the story seemed to unfold. Thus, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Yugoslavia, the U.S.S.R have all slipped beneath history's waves, supplanted by something else entirely. After President Vladimir Putin took over, the Russian Bear reversed the trend because of its deep Christian roots and heritage and stalled the damage caused by the neo - liberal world order. The promise Putin made was to deal with the situation as he captured something monstrous and horrific happening.
DeleteThey do die. Great nations - however great they may be - are not eternal. West Papua is an international issue, and this was the case from day one. The UN knows. And, Indonesia has pressed the panic button. Unfortunately, you cannot win your case here even if you went through the available discourses which make your life very insecure as a colonial authority that has yet to de - colonize a colony long - past time to grant sovereignty and royalty status to the subjects of the colony. The West Papua case has already reached the UN General Assembly the second time. 1969 Act of Free Choice, checkmate!
As things stand today, Indonesia under President Joko Widodo and President SB Yhudiono gained some hard yards, but not enough. In Indonesia's 'democracy' perhaps power is still embedded with the military, and the rule of law was always misplaced, usurpation by the military with impunity replacing amendment, and both presidents were just scapegoats. The military is the executive fiat replacing constitutionalism. These are strong words indeed! It does not surprise political scientists.
I will repeat. The evidence demands a verdict. And, the Russian Bear re - traced history. You have to take that for granted. In 1800s, there was no Indonesia. And, there is still no Indonesia. We only see a 'conceptual Indonesia.'
Let me lead you to the light. Read this: http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2013/03/west-papua-is-this-the-time-to-heed-freedoms-call.html